The Gaffe and the Fury

As I write about at length in The Eyes of Willie McGee, William Faulkner signed off on a public statement about McGee in 1951, in which he said he thought McGee was innocent of the rape charge leveled against him and should be freed. That caused a few problems—the D.A. in the case, Paul Swartzfager, called the comments “so untrue as to make the blood of any red-blooded American boil”—so Faulkner retreated a bit and said no more.

There were other times when Faulkner opined about race, politics, or current events—and soon wished he hadn’t. The most famous happened in 1956, when he gave an interview to a newsmagazine called The Reporter. Asked about then-current attempts to integrate the University of Alabama, Faulkner said the federal government needed to keep a foot off the pedal on this issue or somebody would wind up getting killed. He wanted integration to happen, but at a slower pace set by the South. Moving too fast would lead to violence, he said, adding, “[I]f it came to fighting I’d fight for Mississippi against the United States, even it meant going into the street and shooting Negroes.” As if that weren’t enough to get the shouting started, he continued like so: “I will go on saying that the Southerners are wrong and that their position is untenable, but if I have to make the same choice that Robert E. Lee made then I’ll make it.”

The uproar over that—which Faulkner tried to dodge by insisting he’d been “grossly misquoted”—drowned out other aspects of this interview that were quite fascinating. Faulkner offered a tart analysis of Mississippi’s education crisis (he said all the schools were lousy), opined that the average black workingman was fundamentally smarter than his white counterpart, said racism was a management-labor tool (designed by upper-class whites to keep lower-class whites panting and huffing about something other than their own economic exploitation), and predicted that white and black would merge into a single mocha-colored race within 300 years.

As for his allegation that he’d been misquoted . . . probably not. The interviewer—a New York-based correspondent for the London Sunday Times named Russell Warren Howe—responded in print and sounded convincing. “All the statements attributed to Mr. Faulkner were transcribed by me from verbatim shorthand notes of the interview,” he wrote in The Reporter. “If the more Dixiecratic remarks misconstrue his thoughts, I, as an admirer or Mr. Faulkner’s, am glad to know it. But what I set down is what he said.”

For more on this turbulent period in the life of Mr. Bill, check out this excellent paper by Louis Daniel Brodsky, which makes use of 43 unpublished letters addressed to Faulkner during these months, some of them touching on the Howe interview. Not shockingly, Brodsky believes that the root cause of Faulkner’s foot-in-mouth problem with Howe was simple: He was drunk.

Harrying Harry

Like any president, Harry Truman took a few licks from voters during his years in office, often on the subject of civil rights, where he caught it from every direction. Many white southerners hated him because—as I explore in-depth in my account of the Willie McGee story—he actually did something about the fundamental rights due to African-Americans, getting behind a push for legislation on then-controversial measures such as a federal anti-lynching law and abolition of the poll tax. (These failed, but he tried, and of course he did successfully desegregate the armed forces.) Communists weren’t especially thrilled with him, either, arguing that the federal government singled them out for abuse during the early years of the Cold War.

One of my most pleasant days of research while working on The Eyes of Willie McGee took place at the Truman Library in Independence, Missouri, where they make it very easy to find what you’re looking for in the vast record related to Truman’s presidency. Among the artifacts I came across was a letter sent by an African-American woman from Kansas City on April 13, 1945, the day after FDR’s death put Truman in the Oval Office. Written by Mrs. Lora J. Haynes and addressed to FDR aid Stephen Early, it was basically a demand for intervention, because Haynes was convinced Truman was a hopeless racist.

“I am so hurt, I can hardly set hear a rite,” she said, “but I am speaking for 13 million negros . . . The thing I am riteing you for, is will you try to make clear to Mr. Truman what the negroes want and that is first class citizen ship. We know Mr. Roosevelt would have give us that.” As Haynes went on to indicate, she put more hope in FDR’s former Vice President, Henry Wallace, who would run against Truman from the left in the historic election of 1948. That same year, he faced a revolt on the right (from the Dixiecrats) and a formidable Republican opponent in Thomas Dewey. It’s a miracle he won.

When the McGee case reached its climax in the the early months of 1951, Truman heard a lot about it, from people all over the U.S. and the world who demanded that he step in and pardon McGee. He had no intention of doing so—the support McGee got from the Communist Party was, by itself, enough to make that a certainty. In this letter, he gets scorched by woman in Richmond, California, who had supported him in 1948.

Truman Letter

Didn’t Seem Worth Keeping . . .

On his blog at the Jackson Clarion-Ledger Web site, reporter Jerry Mitchell writes about the F.B.I.’s destruction of files in the 1954 murder of an Arkansas man named Isadore Banks, an African-American who was burned to death by men who were never identified, captured, or punished.

The FBI files on this case were destroyed in 1992, under the retention guidelines set for the FBI in conjunction with the National Archives and Records Administration. I delved into the mechanics of that odd system in this 2008 article. I’ve never seen a better example than this case of how nonsensical the retention rules can be. How could anybody have examined the Banks file and decided it wasn’t worth preserving? Read more about Banks in this story from CNN.

Why a “Traveling” Electric Chair?

Between 1940 and 1955, Mississippi executions were carried out in a portable electric chair that usually was set up in the same courtroom where a condemned man had been convicted. During my research for The Eyes of Willie McGee, I read once or twice that Mississippi did it this way because the state’s cruel and unusual politicians thought public executions at the local level were the next best thing to a lynching.

That’s not accurate, and it’s not logical, either, since the dreaded device was used on both black and white defendants, though disproportionately on blacks. During the lifespan of the state’s mobile chair, approximately 43 black males and 16 white males went out this way. (These figures are a guess because, as I explained in an earlier post, Mississippi’s death penalty records are incomplete.) Continue reading

More on Richard Barrett

This just in: murder suspect claims he didn’t know about Barrett’s racist views.

The tawdriest of the theories about the murder of white supremacist Richard Barrett is trending upward this morning. Details here.

Couple of early reviews …

. . . in Mother Jones (see Blurbs & Reviews page for a PDF) and on a blogger site called Booklust.

These both happen to be favorable, but I promise to keep you similarly informed when I get drop-kicked. No false URLs or whining. Note to other book bloggers: If you don’t have the book, and you’re interested, let me know.

Richard Barrett

The big news from Mississippi this weekend was the murder of Richard Barrett, a 67-year-old white supremacist who was beaten and stabbed to death—and then partially burned—by a 22-year-old black male and ex-con named Vincent McGee, with three accomplices allegedly helping after the fact. (For the basics on what’s known about the crime, see the Jackson Clarion-Ledger.) I spoke to Barrett a couple of times while researching the Willie McGee case. He didn’t know much about it, because it was too far before his time. And while I didn’t agree with his extreme opinions on race, obviously, he was a pleasant person to talk to on more benign subjects. I’m sorry he went out this way. Continue reading